| U.S. SUPREME COURT REMANDS ARIZONA ELL FUNDING
CASE FOR FURTHER HEARINGS
REJECTS CLAIM THAT FEDERAL COURTS LACK AUTHORITY
TO ORDER STATE LEGISLATURES TO INCREASE EDUCATION FUNDING
In a 5-4 decision, the United States Supreme
Court last week sent back for further hearings an Arizona
English language learner funding case that has been
pending in the federal courts for the past nine years.
In Horne
v. Flores, the high court majority reversed
a decision of U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit
that had upheld a district court order finding the state
in contempt for failing to follow the court’s
previous orders to “establish a funding system
that rationally related funding available to the actual
costs of all elements of ELL instruction.” The
dissenters would have upheld the lower court orders
without any further hearings.
The further hearings ordered by the majority are to
determine whether “changed circumstances,”
have rendered the district court’s nine-year-old
order “no longer equitable.” The specific
matters that require further consideration are the state’s
policy shift from bilingual education to structured
English immersion, passage of the No Child Left Behind
Act, structural and managerial reforms in the plaintiff
school district, and increases in state and federal
funding since 2000.
The main issue in this case was whether the petitioners,
the state superintendent of public instruction and Arizona’s
legislative leaders, were entitled to an order under
federal rule 60(b)(5), which permits a party to obtain
relief from a judgment or order if its continued application
“is no longer equitable.” The majority’s
lengthy examination of the “changed circumstances”
that justify modifying an outstanding order undoubtedly
will be to make it somewhat easier for defendants in
this and other federal institutional reform litigations
to terminate or modify consent decrees or remedial orders
of courts that monitor compliance in such cases for
extended periods of time. The ruling has no binding
authority or direct precedential impact, however, in
state education finance or other state court litigations.
The Arizona state superintendent of public instruction,
as the main petitioner in this case, had also asked
the Supreme Court to rule that federal courts should
be prohibited “from usurping the discretionary
power of state legislatures to determine how to appropriately
manage and fund their public education systems.”
The Court did not respond to this radical request that
would have severely constrained the ability of the federal
courts to implement remedies in ELL, special education,
and other education-related litigations. Under the Court’s
remand order, the federal district court in Arizona
can still order the state legislature to increase funding
for ELL programs if the evidence gathered in the additional
hearings now required by the Supreme Court still justifies
such increases.
Justice Samuel Alito’s decision for the majority
mentioned in passing that there is “a growing
consensus in education research that increased funding
alone does not improve student achievement.” He
cited for this proposition a number of works by Eric
Hanushek and other conservative economists and policy
analysts. Hanushek and a group of self-described “education
policy scholars” had submitted a brief to the
Supreme Court in this case which argued that “Studies
have overwhelmingly shown that court ordered funding
remedies….are consistently ineffective”
and “Instead of ordering more funding, courts
should allow States the flexibility to find solutions
to their educational problems by focusing on outcomes
and accountability.” The Court did not discuss
whether court decrees in either federal or state institutional
reform litigations have, in fact, been “ineffective,”
and, as indicated above, it did not accept the state
superintendent’s position that federal courts
should be precluded from issuing orders that require
state legislatures to increase funding in order to vindicate
children’s educational rights.
Alluding to Justice Alito’s references to the
arguments of the “education policy scholars,”
Justice Stephen Breyer, in his decision for the 4-person
minority, stated that he didn’t “know what
this has to do with the matter [being litigated],”
and he chastised the majority for including “footnote
references to the writings of one side of a complex
expert debate.” He then added “But if it
is relevant to today’s decision, the Court should
also refer to the many studies that cast doubt on the
results of the studies it cites.” Breyer then
cited a number of studies and articles that criticized
that arguments of Hanushek and others who have supported
his views.
In sum, although the Flores decision has brought
before the U.S. Supreme Court the “battle of the
experts” on the extent to which “money matters”
in promoting education reform, in the end, the Court
as a whole issued no specific holding on this issue.
Michael Rebell, in his article entitled “Meaningful
Educational Opportunity and the Necessary Role of the
Courts,” 85 N.C.L. Rev. 1467,1487 (2007), one
of the works cited in the dissent, summarized the literature
and the findings of the state courts on this issue,
and concluded that in the end all sides to this debate
really agreed that “money matters---if it is spent
well.” Although like the economists and social
science experts, the Justices may disagree on how to
ensure that educational funds are “well spent,”
they all did seem to agree that some combination of
increased funding and proper programming and accountability
are required, since both the majority and the dissent
found unobjectionable the proposition that “increased
funding alone does not improve student achievement.”
(emphasis added by Justice Breyer.)
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